The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was regarded as one of the most influential occupants of the vice-presidency in US history. While many second-in-commands were limited to marginal or figurehead roles, Cheney wielded enormous influence during the administration of George W Bush, so much so that he was commonly described as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and claimed the connection was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was courteous, always calling him in public settings as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were on equal footing. In spite of these objections, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a broad range of governmental choices.
The Post-9/11 Era
In charge of a contingent of conservative hawks that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in response to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 strike, Bush had been attending a session at a elementary school in Florida. As Bush headed for a secret bunker in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the downing of any unresponsive aircraft heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney stated the attacks altered his perspective, causing him to be determined on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-conservatives, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the military action of Iraq, although there was little proof of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Debated Decisions
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis died, or about the harsh treatment of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on inaccurate reports circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It proved to be the right thing to do then. I was convinced back then and I hold that view presently."
But even then, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, carelessness, and irresponsibility: at worst, falsehoods, incompetence, and corruption."
Additional Factors
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for comparable steps. He had written a memo outlining situations in which American interests might be endangered (featuring "obtaining essential resources, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be postured to operate alone when collective action prove impossible," particularly citing armed actions against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office generally inclined on implementing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. Following he had been fired by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his intention of diminishing America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been behind a conspiracy to kill his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the most prominent accommodations in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his father's face that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous advocating striking Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were either weak or completely deceptive. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of waterboarding and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate document in 2014 that found that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "loaded with crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place programmes to apprehend the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they merit a lot of credit."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames given to him by critics such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that nobody ever sees emerge from his hole? This represents a nice way to function, in fact."
Business Interests
Controversy over his business interests followed him through his period as second-in-command. While he had limited background in corporate affairs but good contacts in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum conglomerates, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the White House. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US contracts valued at billions.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his time at the corporation rose from his previous salary while Pentagon chief to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
